The Revolutionary Context of the Constitutional Convention Essay

The Revolutionary Context of the Constitutional Convention - Essay Example e revolutionaries believed that â€Å"proper constitutions†¦depended on consent, but governments existed in order to protect the liberties of all†¦[the revolutionaries searched for a] governmental structure in which liberty and representative democracy could be combined.† While there were undoubtedly fundamental problems with creating the sort of government where the officials held little to no power, Banning argues that â€Å"whatever the Revolution was or would become, its essence lay originally in these thirteen problematic experiments in constructing republican regimes† (PAGE #). As such, it is evidenced that the State Constitutions of the individual colonial governments was a precursor to the greater Continental government establishment, and provided an ideal staging ground for the revolutionaries to experiment with the idea of new government. Arguably, the most significant accomplishment of the Articles of Confederation was establishing â€Å"a permanent confederation presided over by a Congress whose authority would be confined to matter of interest to all† (Banning, PAGE #). The Articles of Confederation, according to Banning, â€Å"did not issue from a systematic, theoretical consideration of the problems of confederation government† (PAGE #). Rather they merely emulated the government practices that had evolved in the State Constitutions over the years. While it was popularly taught that the Articles of Confederation were characterized by a chaotic period in the early colonies, recent scholarship attributes greater credit to the Articles than in times past. For instance, Banning points out that the Confederation years, aside from consolidating the thirteen states, â€Å"secured their independence and won a generous treaty of peace†¦weathered a severe post-war depression†¦and organized the are a northwest of the Ohio for settlement† (PAGE #). The Northwest Ordinance of 1787, in fact, became the basis for â€Å"all the rest of the continental expansion of the

McDonalds Business Strategy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 9500 words

McDonalds Business Strategy - Essay Example By 1968, the chain comprised 1,000 units, which rose to 5,000 units by 1978. By 2001, the company operated around 30,000 units worldwide. Whilst keeping menus limited, McDonald's diversified its range from its original hamburgers and cheeseburgers. In 1964, the company launched its Filet-o-Fish sandwich, followed by signature burger the Big Mac in 1968, Happy Meals in 1979 and Chicken McNuggets in 1983. (Keynote, 2003; Leitch; 2004) While the majority of sales remain concentrated on burgers and fries, drinks and desserts are important and the brand periodically experiments with other menu additions, such as salads and local specialities. McDonald’s currently gearing up for the introduction of a new salad range in 2006. The late-1990s saw McDonald's shift its focus, as burger fast food, especially in the US, seemed dangerously crowded and mature. Consequently, McDonald’s focused on diversification, introducing new menu items and aiming to attract a more adult demographic, while retaining its core consumer base of children. 2000 saw the introduction of salads, low-fat desserts and a wider choice of chicken and fish burgers. The company also began to relax the McDonald's formula, introducing more regional menu variations and experimenting with new formats, such as cafà ©s and kiosks. This strategy of diversification also resulted in a number of acquisitions during the review period, seeing a shift away from its traditional single-brand focus. In 1998, McDonald’s purchased London-based coffee chain Aroma and in 1999 and 2000 McDonald’s purchased US chains Donatos Pizzeria with an emphasis on â€Å"home-cooked meal† style fast food. ... The company also began to relax the McDonald's formula, introducing more regional menu variations and experimenting with new formats, such as cafs and kiosks. This strategy of diversification also resulted in a number of acquisitions during the review period, seeing a shift away from its traditional single-brand focus. In 1998, McDonald's purchased London-based coffee chain Aroma and in 1999 and 2000 McDonald's purchased US chains Donatos Pizzeria (Ohio based), Mexican self-service cafeteria brand Chipotle (Denver based) and Boston Market with an emphasis on "home-cooked meal" style fast food. Beyond acquisitions, McDonald's also made a series of strategic investments. In February 2001, McDonald's acquired a minority interest (33%) in the British sandwich chain Pret a Manger. In 2002, McDonald's formed a joint venture with Fazoli's, a fast casual Italian restaurant concept based in Lexington, Kentucky, to develop 20-30 Fazoli's restaurants in the US. (Leitch; 2004) This also gave McDonald's the option to purchase the entire company at a later date. The company also opened its first multibranded unit, offering Boston Market, Donatos and McDonald's. However, these acquisitions did not prove wholly successful. In 2002, the company experienced a difficult year, culminating in its first ever quarterly loss. This poor performance was partly due to weak economies in Latin America and APMEA (Asia-Pacific, Middle East and Africa) and to increasing competition in mature US and Western European fast food. However, the company also felt that its strategy of brand diversification was d iluting its focus on core brand McDonald's. In 2002, Aroma was sold to Caff Nero and in 2003

Germany and the Germans Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Germany and the Germans - Essay Example What initiated the project were the bad incidents that happened in the history of Germany before 1988 and thus some Germans, under the supervision of Lea Rosh the journalist, wanted a public visualization of the history in the form of a sculpture. Eisenman was nominated by the Chancellor Halmet Kohl after much hunt, and the project continued even after Kohl lost the elections. The project was funded by the Parliament. The theme behind the creation of this memorial was to officially acknowledge the fact that the German government in the past had committed genocide against the Europian Jews; that the Jews were made to go through hard times through victimization; and, that the coming generations may be able to remember the violence that was seen during the Hitler’s era. The center of Berlin was also chosen with the same objective that it should be remembered as the Nazis had planned to commit genocide against the Jews at that place. Serra had left in the middle of the sculptureâ €™s creation due to some conflicts about the development of the project. Eisenman successfully completed the project and very efficiently dealt with the conflicts and controversies that arose during the project.

Effects of Behavioral Interventions on Disruptive Behavior and Affect in Demented Nursing Home Residents Essay Example for Free

Effects of Behavioral Interventions on Disruptive Behavior and Affect in Demented Nursing Home Residents Essay Behavioral interventions might ameliorate them and have a positive effect on residents’ mood (affect). Objectives: This study tested two interventions—an activities of daily living and a psychosocial activity intervention—and a combination of the two to determine their efficacy in reducing disruptive behaviors and improving affect in nursing home residents with dementia. Methods: The study had three treatment groups (activities of daily living, psychosocial activity, and a combination) and two control groups (placebo and no intervention). Nursing assistants hired specifically for this study enacted the interventions under the direction of a master’s prepared gerontological clinical nurse specialist. Nursing assistants employed at the nursing homes recorded the occurrence of disruptive behaviors. Raters analyzed videotapes filmed during the study to determine the interventions’ influence on affect. Results: Findings indicated significantly more positive affect but not reduced disruptive behaviors in treatment groups compared to control groups. Conclusions: The treatments did not specifically address the factors that may have been triggering disruptive behaviors. Interventions much more precisely designed than those employed in this study require development to quell disruptive behaviors. Nontargeted interventions might increase positive affect. Treatments that produce even a brief improvement in affect indicate improved quality of mental health as mandated by federal law. Key Words: affect †¢ Alzheimer’s disease †¢ behavior therapy †¢ dementia †¢ nursing homes Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 proximately 1. 3 million older Americans live in nursing homes today (Magaziner et al. , 2000). By 2030, with the aging of the population, the estimated demand for long-term care is expected to more than double (Feder, Komisar, Niefeld, 2000). Thus, nursing home expenditures could grow from $69 billion in 2000 to $330 billion in 2030 (Shactman Altman, 2000). About half of new nursing home res idents have dementia (Magaziner et al. , 2000). The disease has an impact on four major categories of functioning in persons with dementia. These are disruptive behavior (DB), affect, functional status, and cognition (Cohen-Mansfield, 2000). This article will focus on the first two categories. Disruptive behavior has received much more attention than affect has (Lawton, 1997), perhaps for three reasons. First, more than half (53. 7%) of nursing home residents display DB with aggression (34. 3%) occurring the most often (Jackson, Spector, Rabins, 1997). Second, DB threatens the wellbeing of the resident and others in the environment. Consequences include: (a) stress experienced by other resiCornelia K. Beck, PhD, RN, is Professor, Colleges of Medicine and Nursing, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences. Theresa S. Vogelpohl, MNSc, RN, is President, ElderCare Decisions. Joyce H. Rasin, PhD, RN, is Associate Professor, School of Nursing, University of North Carolina. Johannah Topps Uriri, PhD(c), RN, is Clinical Assistant Professor, College of Nursing, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences. Patricia O’Sullivan, EdD, is Associate Professor, Office of Educational Development, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences. Robert Walls, PhD, is Professor Emeritus, University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences. Regina Phillips, PhD(c), RN, is Assistant Professor, Nursing Villa Julie College. Beverly Baldwin, PhD, RN, deceased, was Sonya Ziporkin Gershowitz Professor of Gerontological Nursing, University of Maryland. A Note to Readers: This article employs a number of acronyms. Refer to Table 1 to facilitate reading. 219 220 Effects of Behavioral Interventions Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 TABLE 1. Acronyms Term Activities of daily living Analysis of variance Apparent affect rating scale Arkansas Combined Disruptive behavior(s) Disruptive behavior scale Licensed practical nurse(s) Maryland Mini mental status exam Negative visual analogue scale Nursing home nursing assistant(s) Observable displays of affect scale Positive visual analogue scale Project nursing assistant(s) Psychosocial activity Research assistant(s) Acronym ADL ANOVA AARS AR CB DB DBS LPN MD MMSE NVAS NHNA ODAS PVAS PNA PSA RA decreases in targeted behaviors (Gerdner, 2000; Matteson, Linton, Cleary, Barnes, Lichtenstein, 1997). However, others reported nonsignificant reductions (Teri et al. , 2000), no change (Churchill, Safaoui, McCabe, Baun, 1999), or increased behavioral symptoms (Mather, Nemecek, Oliver, 1997). These studies used nursing home staffs to collect data, had sample sizes below 100, and measured an array of DB with different assessments. Only in the last decade have researchers investigated affect. Compared to studies to reduce DB, far fewer studies have measured interventions using affect as an outcome measure. Studies reported positive outcomes on affect from such interventions as simulated presence therapy (Camberg et al. , 1999), Montessori-based activities (Orsulic-Jeras, Judge, Camp, 2000), advanced practice nursing (Ryden et al. , 2000), music (Ragneskog, Brane, Karlsson, Kihlgren, 1996), rocking chair therapy (Watson, Wells, Cox, 1998), and pet therapy (Churchill et al. , 1999). The studies on affect used global measures that relied on observer interpretation, which could have compromised objectivity. Theoretical Bases A number of conceptual frameworks have guided intervention research on persons with cognitive impairment (Garand et al. , 2000). The theoretical basis for this study was that individuals have basic psychosocial needs, which, when met, reduce DB (Algase et al. , 1996) (Table 2). The interventions, one focusing on activities of daily living (ADL) and the other focusing on psychosocial activity (PSA), and a combination (CB) of the two, were developed to meet most of the basic psychosocial needs that Boettcher (1983) identified. These included territoriality, privacy and freedom from unwanted physical intrusion; communication, opportunity to talk openly with others; self-esteem, respect from others and freedom from insult or shaming; safety and security, protection from harm; autonomy, control over one’s life; personal identity, access to personal items and identifying material, and cognitive understanding, awareness of surroundings and mental clarity. The section on study groups specifies which interventions were designed to meet which needs. Positive affect usually accompanies interventions that meet basic psychosocial needs (Lawton, Van Haitsma, Klapper, 1996). Several researchers and clinicians have suggested that displays of affect may offer a window for revealing demented residents’ needs, preferences, aversions (Lawton, 1994), and responses to daily events (Hurley, Volicer, Mahoney, Volicer, 1993). The study reported here dents and staff; (b) increased falls and injury; (c) economic costs, such as property damage and staff burn-out, absenteeism, and turnover; (d) emotional deprivation such as social isolation of the resident; and (e) use of physical or pharmacologic restraints (Beck, Heithoff, et al. 1997). Third, before the Nursing Home Reform Act (Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, 1987), nursing homes routinely applied physical and chemical restraints to control DB with only moderate results (Garand, Buckwalter, Hall, 2000). However, the Act mandated that residents have the right to be free from restraints imposed for discipline or convenience and not required to treat the residents’ medical symptoms. Thus, researcher s have tested a wide range of behavioral interventions to reduce DB and replace restraints. The Act (1987) also stipulated that all residents are entitled to an environment that improves or maintains the quality of mental health. Interventions that promote positive mood or affect fulfill this entitlement. Therefore, this article will report the effects of an intervention to increase functional status in activities of daily living (Beck, Heacock, et al. , 1997), a psychosocial intervention, and a combination of both on reducing DB and improving affect of nursing home residents with dementia. TABLE 2. Basic Psychosocial Needs Relevant Literature Literature suggests that behavioral interventions offer promise in managing DB. A wide range of modalities and approaches have been tested: (a) sensory stimulation (e. g. , music); (b) physical environment changes (e. g. , walled garden); (c) psychosocial measures (e. g. , pet therapy); and (d) multimodal strategies. Many studies found significant Territoriality Communication Self-esteem Safety and security Autonomy Personal identity Cognitive understanding Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 Effects of Behavioral Interventions 221 adopted the inference by Lawton et al. (1996) that frequent displays of positive affect when basic psychosocial needs are met might indicate improved emotional wellbeing. is leg continually and without apparent reason needs redirection. This intervention lasted 45–60 minutes a day during various ADL. PSA Intervention. A PNA also conducted the PSA intervention, which involved 25 standardized modules designed to meet the psychosocial needs for communication, selfesteem, safety and security, personal identity, and cogni tive understanding through engagement in meaningful activity while respecting the individual’s unique cognitive and physical abilities (Baldwin, Magsamen, Griggs, Kent, 1992). The intervention was chosen because it: (a) provided a systematic plan for the PNA to address some of the participant’s basic psychosocial needs; and (b) represented clinical interventions that many long-term care facilities routinely used, but had not been formalized into a research protocol or systematically tested. Each module contained five psychosocial areas of content (expression of feelings, expression of thoughts, memory/recall, recreation, and education) and stimulated five sensory modalities (verbal, visual, auditory, tactile, and gustatory/olfactory). For instance, Activity Module I involved life review, communicating ideas visually (identifying and making drawings), clapping to different rhythms, massaging one’s face, and eating a snack. Initially, many participants tolerated less than 15 minutes of the activity but eventually habituated and participated 30 minutes. CB Intervention. This treatment consisted of both the ADL and PSA interventions and lasted 90 minutes daily. Placebo Control. This involved a one-to-one interaction between the participant and PNA. It controlled for the effect of the personal attention that the PNA provided to the three treatment groups. The PNA asked the participant to choose the activity, such as holding a conversation or manicuring nails. It lasted 30 minutes a day. No Intervention Control. This condition consisted of routine care from a NHNA with no scheduled contact between participants and the PNA. Instruments: Disruptive Behavior Scale. The 45-item disruptive behavior scale (DBS), designed to construct scores based on the occurrence and severity of behaviors, assessed the effect of the interventions on DB (Beck, Heithoff et al. 1997). Gerontological experts (n 29) established content validity, and interrater reliability tests yielded an interclass correlation coefficient of . 80 (p . 001). Geropsychiatricnursing experts weighted the behaviors using a Q-sort to improve the scale’s capacity to predict perceived patient disruptiveness. Factor analysis identified four factors (Beck et al. , 1998). Two corresponded to two—physically aggressive and physically nonaggressive—of the three categories from the factor analysis of the Cohen-Mansfield Agitation Inventory (Cohen-Mansfield, Marx, Rosenthal, 1989). The third category of the Inventory was verbally agitated; in contrast, the factor analysis of the DBS produced a third and fourth category—vocally agitated and vocally aggressive. To obtain a score for the DBS, a trained individual completed a DBS form for every hour of a shift by check- Methods The primary aim was to conduct a randomized trial of the ADL and PSA interventions individually and in combination (CB) for their effect on DB and affect on a large sample of nursing home residents. The experimental design consisted of three treatment groups (ADL, PSA, and Combined) and two control groups (placebo and no intervention). Individual residents were assigned to one of the five groups at each of seven sites in Arkansas and Maryland, which controlled for site differences. To demonstrate the practicability of the interventions and assure adherence to the treatment protocols, certified nursing assistants were hired and trained as project nursing assistants (PNA). They implemented the interventions Monday–Friday for 12 weeks. Afterward, one-month and two-month follow-up periods occurred. Nursing assistants employed by the nursing homes (NHNA) recorded DB. To measure affect, raters were hired for the study to analyze videotapes filmed during intervention. Research Subjects: The sample initially consisted of 179 participants. The study design allowed for the detection of an improvement in DB scores on the Disruptive Behavior Scale (DBS) (Beck, Heithoff et al. , 1997) across time of at least 1. 6 units with a power of 80%. This power calculation assumed that the repeated measures would be correlated with one another at 0. 60. Inclusion criteria were age 65; a dementia diagnosis; a Mini Mental Status Exam (MMSE) (Folstein, Folstein, McHugh, 1975) score of 20; and a report of DB in the previous two weeks. To form a more homogeneous group for generalizing findings, exclusion criteria were a physical disability that severely limited ADL; a psychiatric diagnosis; and a progressive or recurring medical, metabolic, or neurological condition that might interfere with cognition or behavior. Study Groups: ADL Intervention. A PNA used the ADL intervention during bathing, grooming, dressing, and the noon meal based on successful protocols that improved functional status in dressing (Beck, Heacock et al. , 1997). It attempted to meet residents’ psychosocial needs for territoriality, communication, autonomy, and self-esteem to promote their sense of safety and security. The intervention also tried to respect participants’ cognitive and physical abilities by prescribing three types of strategies specific to the individual participant. First, strategies to complete an ADL address specific cognitive deficits. For example, the person with ideomotor apraxia needs touch or physical guidance to start movements. Second, standard strategies are behaviors and communication techniques that work for almost everyone with dementia. For example, the caregiver gives a series of one-step commands to guide the resident to put on her shoe. Third, problem-oriented strategies address particular disabilities such as fine motor impairment, physical limitations, or perseveration. For example, a subject who rubs his hand back and forth on 222 Effects of Behavioral Interventions ing the behaviors that occurred. The score for a behavior was the frequency (0–8) times the weight. The item scores were summed to obtain each of the four subscale scores. Mini Mental Status Exam. The Mini Mental Status Exam (MMSE) (Folstein et al. 1975) provided a global evaluation of participants’ cognitive statuses for screening subjects for the study. Test-retest reliability of the MMSE is . 82 or better (Folstein et al. ). Cognition is assessed in seven areas, and scores lower than 24 out of 30 indicate dementia. Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 Observable Displays of Affect Scale. The Observable Displays of Affect Scale (ODAS) (Vogelpohl Beck, 1997), designed to rate videotaped data, contains 41 behaviors categorized into six subscales of positive and negative facial displays, vocalizations, and body movement/posture. Raters indicate presence/absence of each behavior during five 2-minute intervals from a 10minute videotape. Scores range from 0–5 for each item. The range of scores for each scale is: facial positive (0–20), Aggression during bathing facial negative (0–20), vocal positive (0–45), vocal negative (0–50), body could stem from physical positive (0–30), and body negative discomfort or rough (0–40). Interrater reliabilities (Kappa handling coefficients) for the ODAS range from . 68–1. 00, and intrarater reliability is . 97–1. 00. Ten gerontological nursing experts established content validity (Vogelpohl Beck). Apparent Affect Rating Scale. The Apparent Affect Rating Scale (AARS) (Lawton et al. , 1996) is designed for direct observation of persons with dementia and contains six affective states: pleasure, anger, anxiety/fear, sadness, interest, and contentment. (In later work, Lawton, Van Haitsma, Perkinson, Ruckdeschel [1999] deleted contentment). Each item has a noninclusive list of behaviors that might signal the presence of the affect from which observers infer the affect. The observer assigns a score of 1 to 5 to measure the duration of the behavior. Visual Analogue Scales. The Positive Visual Analogue Scale (PVAS) and Negative Visual Analogue Scale (NVAS) (Lee Kieckhefer, 1989; Wewers Lowe, 1990) are two 10centimeter lines on separate pages for rating positive and negative affect. The PVAS has end anchors of â€Å"no positive affect† and â€Å"a great deal of positive affect. † The NVAS has end anchors of â€Å"no negative affect† and â€Å"a great deal of negative affect. † Scores range from 0 to 100. Procedure: The study consisted of six phases: (a) preliminary activities, (b) a three-week normalization/desensitization period, (c) a 12-week intervention period, (d) a onemonth follow-up period, (e) a two-month follow-up period, and f) a videotape analysis. Preliminary Activities. The institutional review boards at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences and the Univer- sity of Maryland approved the research. Each nursing home identified residents with dementia and sent letters informing persons responsible for the residents that researchers would be contacting them. Responsible persons could return a signed form if they did not want to participate. Willing responsible persons received a telephone call explaining the study followed by a mailed written description along with two consent forms. Those willing kept one consent form for their records and signed and mailed back the other. Screening involved a review of the residents’ charts, recording their diagnoses, and interviews with the staff to find evidence of DB during the previous two weeks. Each resident took the MMSE to meet inclusion criteria. Within each home, female residents who passed these screens were randomized to one of the five groups by a drawing, but males were assigned to the five groups to ensure even distribution of their small number. Simultaneously, research staff members were hired and trained. Normalization/Desensitization. For the next three weeks, each PNA accompanied a NHNA to learn the routines of the facility but did not help care for potential study participants. A videotape technician placed a camera that was not running in the dining and shower rooms to desensitize residents and staff to its presence. In addition, nursing home staffs participated in two-hour training sessions on the DBS. Throughout the study, a gerontological clinical nurse specialist trained any new NHNA and retrained if behaviors reported on the DBS differed from those she observed during randomized checks. Intervention. During the 12-week intervention period, the first three weeks were considered baseline and the last two weeks postintervention. The PNA administered the treatment/s or placebo five days a week. Every day, they asked participants to give their assent and espected any dissents. During weeks 11–12 (postintervention), the PNA prepared the participants for their departure by telling them that they were leaving soon. To facilitate data collection, a separate form of the DBS for each of the three eight-hour daily shifts was developed. Eight one-hour blocks accompanied each item of the scale. The NHNA placed a check mark in the block that corresponded to the hour when the NHNA observed the behavi or. The NHNA completed the DBS on all participants during or at the end of a shift. In addition, a technician videotaped participants in the treatment and placebo groups every other week during an interaction with the PNA and no intervention group monthly during an ADL. The technician monitored positioning and operation of the camera from outside the room or behind a curtain to respect the participants’ privacy. One-Month and Two-Month Follow-up. One month and two months after the research team left the nursing home, Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 Effects of Behavioral Interventions 223 esearch assistants (RA) retrained nursing home staffs on the DBS. The NHNA then collected DB data on their shifts Monday–Friday for one week. tervention, week 16 as one-month follow-up, and week 20 as two-month follow-up. Participants with fewer than six observations at any time period were omitted. For each period, a total DBS score represented an averVideotape Analysis. The videotapes ranged in length from age of the participant’s data for the t hree shifts of each day less than five minutes to 40 minutes, depending on the across the five days of the observation week. Therefore, activity and the participant’s willingness to cooperate with total DBS scores were obtained for baseline (M of weeks the treatment (baseline and control participants’ tapes 1–3), intervention (M of weeks 4–10), postintervention (M tended to be shorter). To standardize the opportunity for of weeks 11–12), first follow-up (M of week 16), and secbehaviors to occur, an editor took 10-minute segments ond follow-up (M of week 20). The same procedure from the middle of baseline and final treatment eek tapes yielded subscale scores for physically aggressive, physically and randomized them onto videotapes for rating. Because nonaggressive, vocally aggressive, and vocally agitated videotaping occurred to ensure appropriate implementabehaviors for each of the five time periods. tion of interventions, the treatment groups had more A repeated measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) usable videotapes than the control groups did. consisted of two between- subjects and one within-subjects A master’s prepared gerontological factors. The between-subjects factors nurse specialist intensively trained six were intervention group and state (AR raters on the Observer III Software or MD) to account for regional differSystem (Noldus Information Technolences in scoring DB, and the withinogy, 1993) for direct data entry and subjects factor represented DBS scores the affect rating scales. The raters for the five different time periods. Each reached . 80 agreement with the speanalysis allowed for testing by intervencialist on practice tapes before they tion group, time period, and state. The Screaming may started rating the study videotapes. nalysis of the interaction effect of She monitored reliability for each tape intervention group by time period express pain or monthly, retrained as needed, and rantested the hypothesis that the intervenself-stimulation domized the sequence of rating the tions would decrease DB across time in scales. The raters entered the ODAS treatment conditions as compared to and AARS data directly into a comcontrol conditions. The analysis was puter using the Observer. The system repeated five times, once for each suballowed raters to watch videos repeatscale of the DBS and once for the total edly in actual time and slow action to score. Level of significance was set at document behaviors objectively and 0. 05. The researchers believed that the precisely. The raters indicated their small group sizes justified the liberal perception of the participants’ positive and negative level of significance. For the videotape analysis, analyses of affect by placing a vertical mark at some point between covariance occurred for the 14 variables observed from the the two end anchors of the PVAS and NVAS. They videotapes during intervention. The baseline score served marked neutral affect as negative. s a covariate for the final score. While a multivariate analysis would have been desirable, it would have had Intervention Integrity: The PNA and video camera techniinsufficient power with this number of variables and subcian underwent two weeks of intensive training on general jects. The 14 univariate analyses do inflate the Type I error aging topics, stress management, information on dementia, rate. and confidentiality/privacy issues. Training also involved instruction on the study interventions, DBS, and research Results protocols. Of the 179 initial participants, 36 did not finish; the greatA gerontological clinical nurse specialist viewed treatest attrition occurred in the no intervention control group. ment and placebo videotapes biweekly in a private office to Attrition resulted from death (39%), withdrawal of fammonitor PNA compliance with research protocols, provide ily’s consent or at nursing home staff’s request (26%), discorrective feedback to PNA, and help PNA recognize and charge (18%), and change in health status/medications meet participants’ needs as they changed during treatment. hat did not meet inclusion criteria (17%). This left 143 The possibility for contamination appeared to be low participants: 29 in the ADL, 30 in PSA, 30 in CB, 30 in the because NHNA were unlikely to change their care practices placebo, and 24 in the no intervention, but 16 with incomand had little opportunity to observe PNA. Further, NHNA plete data were dropped. Table 3 gives the demographic were b linded to the hypothesis of the study, the nature of the statistics for the 127 participants with complete data. No interventions, and the participants’ group assignments, statistically significant demographic differences emerged although they probably could identify the no intervention among the five groups. In short, this sample primarily conparticipants. sisted of elderly, white females with severe cognitive impairment. Analysis: Reviewers checked for completeness of all data. For the videotape analysis, the final number was 84 The researchers designated intervention weeks 1–3 as baseparticipants with 168 videotape segments. Most were line, weeks 4–10 as intervention, weeks 11–12 as postin- 224 Effects of Behavioral Interventions Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 TABLE 3. Description of the Sample by Intervention Group No Intervention 19 89. 5 78. 9 84. 2 86. 47 (6. 37) 11. 47 (6. 43) ADL Number in group Percent female Percent white Percent widowed Mean age (SD) M MMSE (SD) 28 78. 6 82. 1 64. 3 82. 29 (8. 40) 11. 44 (7. 69) PSA 29 82. 1 85. 7 66. 7 82. 18 (7. 64) 10. 65 (6. 76) CB 22 81. 8 77. 3 77. 3 82. 82 (9. 81) 7. 91 (5. 41) Placebo 29 75. 9 86. 2 75. 9 86. 45 (6. 92) 11. 11 (6. 39) Total 127 81. 0 82. 5 72. 8 83. 64 (7. 97) 10. 55 (6. 64) Note. ADL = activities of daily living; PSA = psychosocial activity; CB = combination. emale (79%) and widowed (69%) with a mean age of 83 (SD 7. 44). Participants had a mean score of 10 (SD 6. 34) on the MMSE, indicating moderate to severe cognitive impairment. Table 4 displays the means and standard deviations for the DBS overall and the four subscales across the five time periods for the five groups. No significant differences emerged for the interventi on-by-time interaction for any of the dependent variables. Thus, the results failed to support the hypothesis that the interventions would decrease DB across time in treatment groups as compared to control groups (statistical analysis tables on Website at: http://sonweb. nc. edu/nursing-research-editor). However, the main effect of state was significant in three analyses. Arkansas recorded significantly more behaviors than Maryland did for the dependent variables of physically nonaggressive (p . 001), vocally agitated (p . 001), and overall DBS (p . 002). Further, the main effect of time was significant for overall DBS (p . 002) and the four subscales of physically aggressive (p . 001), physically nonaggressive (p . 027), vocally aggressive (p . 021), and vocally agitated behaviors (p . 008). The significance resulted from increased DB after the PNA had left the home (generally from intervention or postintervention to first follow-up). For the videotape analysis, the hypothesis stated that treatment groups, compared with control groups, would display more indicators of positive affect and fewer indicators of negative affect following behavioral interventions. In general, neither the positive nor the negative affect scores were particularly high, indicating that this sample had relatively flat affect. Results from the analysis of covariance tests supported increased positive affect but not decreased negative affect. Compared to the control groups, the treatment groups had significantly more positive facial expressions (p . 001) and positive body posture/movements (p . 001), but not more positive verbal displays on the ODAS. The treatment groups displayed significantly more contentment (p . 037) and interest (p . 028) than the control groups did on the AARS. For the negative affects on the AARS, the treatment groups had a shorter duration of sad behaviors (p . 007) than the control groups did. Comparison of VAS scales likewise showed that the treatment groups displayed more positive affect (p . 012). Discussion In contrast to other studies (e. . , Hoeffer et al. , 1997; Kim Buschmann. , 1999; Whall et al. , 1997), this study found no treatment effect on DB. The interventions were a synthesis of approaches believed to globally address â€Å"triggers† of DB and meet psychosocial needs (Boettcher, 1983). They did not address the specific factors that might have been triggering the particular behavior (Algase et al. , 1996). Such triggers include under/over stimulation, unfamiliar or impersonal caregivers, and particular individual unmet psychosocial needs. For example, aggression during bathing could stem from physical discomfort or rough handling (Whall et al. 1997). Interventions much more individually designed require development. Increasing DB across all groups was reflected in the DBS scores at 1-month follow-up. Two factors may explain this increase. First, the PNA had warned participants that they would be leaving. Second, the ADL and CB participants no longer received care from the familiar PNA, and PSA, CB, and placebo participants no longer had a daily activity or visit. The increased stress and time constraints for NHNA as they resumed caregiving of the ADL and CB participants may explain the heightened DB in the control groups. Such changes may trigger increased behavioral symptoms in persons with dementia (Hall, Gerdner, Zwygart-Stauffacher, Buckwalter, 1995). Two measurement issues may have affected outcomes. First, observers view behaviors differently (Whall et al. , 1997) and come to expect particular behaviors from certain residents (Hillman, Skoloda, Zander, Stricker, 1999). If the NHNA were accustomed to a participant’s DB pattern, such as persistent screaming, they may have overlooked decreases in that behavior. Initial training and retraining of raters occurred as needed; however, some Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 Effects of Behavioral Interventions 225 TABLE 4. Weighted Scores for Disruptive Behavior by Intervention Group and Time Period No Intervention (n = 19) Mean (SD) 408. 71 (427. 24) 303. 69 (408. 44) 281. 97 (410. 85) 418. 31 (630. 58) 292. 85 (405. 15) 114. 66 (202. 89) 90. 85 (182. 70) 77. 98 (173. 15) 130. 92 (257. 12) 128. 20 (195. 67) 191. 97 (157. 75) 117. 11 (112. 30) 118. 23 (137. 08) 154. 46 (225. 05) 100. 45 (153. 30) 55. 16 (74. 70) 42. 89 (54. 54) 33. 26 (47. 06) 64. 72 (77. 89) 28. 09 (37. 02) (continues) DB Category Time Period DBS total Baseline ADL (n = 28) Mean (SD) 172. 51 (191. 47) 182. 45 (181. 3) 164. 56 (154. 95) 207. 22 (205. 58) 190. 70 (291. 06) 20. 67 (30. 52) 32. 59 (51. 29) 15. 02 (26. 10) 44. 18 (100. 62) 21. 45 (36. 47) 95. 50 (105. 28) 87. 58 (87. 58) 85. 04 (89. 60) 88. 81 (85. 69) 148. 75 (187. 28) 22. 85 (32. 10) 28. 37 (32. 50) 21. 15 (26. 54) 30. 72 (48. 95) 18. 28 (24. 55) PSA (n = 29) Mean (SD) 348. 02 (467. 50) 306. 81 (393. 03) 303. 24 (367. 54) 373. 17 (533. 05) 300. 20 (366. 42) 85. 87 (199. 01) 83. 94 (167. 53) 82. 82 (166. 93) 113. 49 (235. 71) 81. 30 (151. 85) 162. 41 (206. 65) 130. 82 (142. 72) 133. 92 (145. 97) 141. 47 (188. 99) 164. 92 (223. 63) 49. 64 (93. 15) 43. 80 (64. 6) 37. 90 (53. 43) 54. 47 (90. 33) 40. 26 (45. 26) CB (n = 22) Mean (SD) 287. 66 (373. 73) 300. 84 (379. 33) 286. 21 (365. 78) 374. 10 (510. 10) 312. 83 (433. 18) 68. 84 (126. 18) 67. 14 (137. 79) 61. 04 (127. 78) 92. 68 (205. 52) 60. 40 (131. 54) 136. 67 (189. 03) 124. 64 (164. 49) 125. 99 (157. 78) 159. 97 (202. 75) 146. 53 (201. 83) 34. 49 (55. 91) 40. 73 (52. 60) 31. 18 (33. 85) 36. 95 (42. 70) 32. 82 (51. 32) Placebo (n = 29) Mean (SD) 325. 96 (337. 14) 337. 60 (328. 94) 336. 80 (366. 55) 389. 92 (434. 43) 319. 15 (384. 59) 49. 26 (90. 24) 62. 10 (112. 71) 59. 67 (106. 37) 76. 79 (165. 45) 48. 25 (101. 4) 167. 01 (177. 80) 164. 62 (161. 48) 175. 36 (189. 80) 201. 68 (212. 06) 87. 67 (127. 38) 47. 20 (79. 70) 39. 55 (57. 74) 32. 69 (55. 77) 29 . 30 (47. 60) 30. 18 (52. 85) Intervention Postintervention 1 month follow-up 2 month follow-up Physically aggressive Baseline Intervention Postintervention 1 month follow-up 2 month follow-up Physically nonaggressive Baseline Intervention Postintervention 1 month follow-up 2 month follow-up Vocally aggressive Baseline Intervention Postintervention 1 month follow-up 2 month follow-up 226 Effects of Behavioral Interventions Nursing Research July/August 2002 Vol 51, No 4 TABLE 4. Weighted Scores for Disruptive Behavior by Intervention Group and Time Period (Continued) NoIntervention (n = 19) Mean (SD) 47. 65 (97. 22) 68. 32 (103. 13) 68. 01 (116. 62) 84. 50 (112. 48) 73. 07 (117. 12) DB Category Time Period Vocally agitated Baseline ADL (n = 28) Mean (SD) 33. 49 (84. 39) 33. 91 (62. 52) 43. 17 (72. 10) 43. 48 (64. 39) 50. 53 (117. 95) PSA (n = 29) Mean (SD) 46. 92 (98. 70) 52. 84 (96. 03) 52. 50 (90. 78) 68. 22 (98. 89) 48. 89 (92. 33) CB (n = 22) Mean (SD) 62. 49 (98. 97) 70. 43 (110. 85) 69. 08 (107. 29) 82. 14 (118. 97) 75. 80 (129. 67) Placebo (n = 29) Mean (SD) 50. 0 (92. 05) 48. 25 (81. 63) 48. 59 (72. 20) 63. 74 (95. 30) 54. 11 (80. 61) Intervention Postintervention 1 month follow-up 2 month follow-up Note. Scores were created by assigning each behavior with a severity weight prior to summing and then averaging across day and then week(s). DBS = disruptive behaviors; ADL = activities of daily living intervention; PSA = psychocial activity inte rvention; CB = combination of the two interventions. NHNA appeared to continue to consider participants’ behaviors, such as repetitive questioning, to be personality characteristics or attention-seeking efforts rather than DB. Thus, they may have under-reported behaviors. Further, staff may prefer withdrawn behaviors, such as isolating self and muteness (Camberg et al. , 1999), and view them as nonproblematic. Second, categorizing a behavior as disruptive without understanding its meaning to the person with dementia may be conceptually flawed. For example, screaming may express pain or self-stimulation. Two design features may explain differences between the findings of this study and others. First, this study had both placebo and no intervention control conditions. Just a few other studies randomized subjects to treatment or control groups or included two control groups (e. g. , Camberg et al. , 1999). In most studies, control conditions preceded or followed treatment conditions (e. g. , Clark, Lipe, Bilbrey, 1998). In both designs, subjects served as their own controls, which limits examination of simultaneous intra- and extra-personal events that might affect DB frequency. Second, many control groups came from separate units or different nursing homes (e. g. , Matteson et al. , 1997), which makes it difficult to control for differences in environment, staff relationships, and personalities. This study occurred at seven sites in two different geographical areas, but at each site, the randomization of female participants distributed the groups across all nursing units to control for environmental and staff characteristics. Acknowledged limitations include the following. First, in spite of the large overall sample, the group sizes were small (range 19–30) with the greatest loss in the no inter- vention group. Larger groups might have provided more definitive findings on the relationship between behavioral interventions and DB frequency as Rovner et al. (1996) did (treatment group 42; control group 39). Second, NHNA served as data collectors because using independent observers would have been cost-prohibitive. These results suggest that future intervention research should consider the individual characteristics of the person with dementia (Maslow, 1996) and the triggers of the behavior (Algase et al. , 1996). Studies that have individualized interventions have demonstrated decreased DB (Gerdner, 2000; Hoeffer et al. , 1997). Researchers need to continue to refine methods for identifying what works for whom (Forbes, 1998) to minimize the prevalent trial-anderror approach to DB management.

Impact of Social and Sexual Changes on Art

Impact of Social and Sexual Changes on Art Hair has traditionally been cited as a discernibly female expression of sexuality and beauty, an aesthetic composition that exacerbates a womans ability to attract members of the opposite sex while acting as a visual demarcation line between the male female divides. Conversely, the fact that men often begin to lose their hair during the middle stages of their life adds further mystique to the power of female hair in popular western culture. Like her sexuality, a womans hair is unrelenting burning bright like the female passion that has so unsettled male artists for centuries. Symbolically, the difference between male and female hair has been ephemeral versus eternal; short lived as opposed to everlasting, a fantasy constructed entirely in tandem with a lack of knowledge or even interest in female sexuality within intellectual and artistic circles in the past. The notion of female hair working together with her sexuality as a tool to make a mockery of men was first cemented artistically during the ancient era, where Greek mythologys most famous exponent of the power of seduction of female hair, the Gorgon Medusa, stands as a warning to all men: to beware the hidden power of a beautiful woman. The punishment inflicted upon Medusa by the Goddess Athena because of her famous beauty and charm was to transform her sensual hair into a nest of snakes: for mortal man to even look at her would cast him, quite literally, into stone. With such a powerful, traditional starting point, it is little wonder that the issue of women, hair, art and society would continue along a broadly similar pattern for so many years, where stereotypically beautiful women were seen by men as constituting the front line of the ongoing cultural and sexual war – an object to be simultaneously admired and feared. However, according to James Kirwan (1999:73), it is not female sexuality which is destructive but rather male desire for that beauty. â€Å"The passion of the lover is not extinguished by the sight or touch of any body, for what he truly desires and unknowingly suffers is the splendour of God shining through the body. It is a desire like that of Narcissus that can never be satisfied.† Within the specifically subjective realms of art and visual art, female hair has a long history of conforming to the accepted image of the compliant, recipient woman due to the pervasive, dominant nature of men in art and society. Until the second half of the twentieth century women had become so accustomed to viewing their world through the eyes of men that they had lost sight of the individuality of women as a separate gender and as singular, autonomous human beings. Yet after the 1960s, visual art and aesthetics became increasingly interested in the views of the first wave of feminism, continuing along more radical, left wing lines with the introduction of the second wave during the 1970s. Women were embraced within the artistic community and encouraged to vent and express their sentiments regarding the suppression of the feminine in popular culture. As feminist critic Lucy Lippard (1980:352) details, the true power of feminist art was, logically, in the polar opposite image that it portrayed of modern societys creative achievements. â€Å"Feminist method and theories have instead offered a socially concerned alternative to the increasingly mechanised evolution of art about art. The 1970s might not have been pluralist at all if women had not emerged during the decade to introduce the multi coloured threads of female experience into the male fabric of modern art.† Moreover, women began to change their appearance for the first time in direct protest at the shackles of uniformity that male society had put upon them and hair was at the centre of the re moulding of the image of femininity in the West. The more radical, younger women changed their clothes, re adapted their attitudes and cut their hair in line with the more liberal males of the period who did likewise and grew their hair as a signal of their refusal to conform. The dissertation aims to examine how traditional social and sexual mores have changed in recent times in order to detail what this means for the visual artistic community, in particular the consequences for female artists in the wake of post modernity. In light of the obvious split in feminist art and culture that has been witnessed since the sixties, the dissertation will necessarily be divided into four main sections. The first chapter will provide an analysis and definition of the broader socio political framework of contemporary female sexuality so as to provide a better understanding of the power of feminine symbolism in a male dominated culture. The second chapter will look at the history of female hair and portrayals of female sexuality over the broader history of art; the third chapter examines modern visual art and culture paying particular attention to the use of hair as a medium for communicating with the spectator. The fourth chapter will analyse outsider arts views of female sexuality and hair, as defined by technology and race respectively. A conclusion will be sought only after taking into account each of the above headings as well as the necessary citations that must be employed to back up theory with example along the way. Contemporary Female Sexuality in Post Modern Society Female subversion in cultural affairs has led to womans alienation in the creative world with the result that her sexuality has only very recently been considered important enough to be the inspiration behind a growing body of academic literature. While feminism in the 1970s saw to it that gay women were represented in culture and art as much as heterosexual women, the movement of lesbians into the avant garde community only served to act as a dividing line between straight and gay women whereby many heterosexual female artists were seen as traitors to their own sex. Recent popular works of art and literature have sought to re introduce complexity into an area where theories about the nature of sexual liberty, manufactured largely by men, had become overtly simplistic. The most extreme exponent of the contemporary debate about female sexuality comes from Paris Curator for Conceptual Art, Catherine Millet and her 2002 memoirs, The Sexual Life of Catherine M. In an interview with The Observer (2002:13) newspaper, the French art critic notes that: â€Å"Sexual mores have evolved recently; nevertheless some sexual practices are only tolerated if they are kept hidden. I look forward to a democratisation of sexuality where anyone can reveal their true nature without suffering socially.† Women in Western society have become more independent, assertive and culturally aggressive during the past twenty five years so that female sexuality, in 2005, although still a topic in transition, is a force to be reckoned with inside of the male corridors of artistic influence. Yet contemporary feminist art is an amalgamation and result of the prejudices and taboos that went before it; it is, therefore a symptom of post modernity the culture that defines itself as the generation after the initial social liberation of the sixties implicitly and intrinsically linked to both gender and sexuality. As Christopher Reed (1997:276) implies, feminism was the catalyst for the widespread disassociation that is at the root of post modern radicals ground breaking view of sexuality. â€Å"From the outset, postmodernism dislodged the wedge that mainstream modernism had driven between art and life†¦ feminists, in particular, questioned the way the anti authoritarian rhetoric of postmodernism seemed to become itself a form of cultural authority.† However, although it is true that women play a far more integral role than they did barley two or three generations beforehand, modernity has not constituted a complete break with the past. Modern art, as a direct relation of post-modern society, remains a sphere still largely controlled by men. What it has done is to ask questions where previously only traditional lines of argument were sought. In this way it can viewed as a series of separate branches that emanated from the same initial tree – creating seedlings of avant garde, abstract art, conceptual art, minimalist art and pop art to name but the most famous few. The sum of the legacy of the schism that occurred in society after the residue of the minor cultural revolution of the sixties had settled was a general approval of art as inversion: that what was previously long was short, that what was previously deemed as beautiful was altered until it became ugly – until, paradoxically, it was ultimately seen as beautiful once again. According to Donald Kuspit (artnet.com; first viewed 13 September 2005), modern and post modern art is obsessed with perverse images of sexuality as a source of constantly finding ways to push the barriers of societys rigid attitude towards sexuality and the physical form. â€Å"The treatment of (the body) as the be all and end all of existence, and the only thing at stake in a relationship is the source of modern arts perversion. It extends to a preoccupation with the body of the work of the art itself, which also becomes the object of perverse formal acts.† Postmodernism, therefore, implies rapidly increasing parity between men and women in all spheres of western culture best viewed in the sense of a blurring of the traditional boundaries of sexuality as opposed to a complete merger. At this point it should be noted that, in the same way that it was white males that dominated western art, so the feminists who influenced the first stages of avant garde art were predominantly white, educated and middle to upper class. The issue of race and religion is equally as significant in the discussion of feminism as it is within an analysis of society at large; cliques and hierarchies are a necessary by product of modern civilisation and their presence (and influence) should come as no surprise to basic students of sociology. Hair, every bit as much as skin colour, is a visible dividing line between the races and in the West the image of the Caucasian variety of female hair as a symbol of womens sexuality has resulted in a womans movement that is f ractured and splintered, more so given the brevity of the ideology as a whole. The essential link between culture and art, as well as politics and art means that nothing created during the early years of feminism was out of the reach of politicisation and none of it would have been made were it not for the wider advent of post modern society. Or, as Gombrich (1986:11) puts it: â€Å"not all art is concerned with visual discovery †. With the backdrop to the arrival of feminist sexuality and art in place, an evaluation of how one of the most potent symbols of feminine sexuality was used as a tool of womans subordination in art in the past must now be attempted. Female Hair, Sexuality and Symbolism in the History of Visual Art As already outlined, the question of womens hair and artistic expression is deep rooted in all civilisations. As well as the Greek and Roman equations of hair with dormant female sexuality, the pre Raphaelite artists also promulgated the view of feminine hair as seductive conqueror of weak male spirits. Late nineteenth and early twentieth century paintings continued to expand on the association of the snakes or ringlets of the Gorgons Head with male fear of female genitalia; the reversal of roles whereby the sinuous hairs of Medusa were inverted to symbolise the male phallic icon of power of women and nature. These notions were underlined by Freuds analysis that saw the intricate waves of classical female hair as symbolic of female metamorphosis and change – characterised by the uniquely female ability to transcend gender. According to Meghan Edwards (victorianweb.org; first viewed 15 September 2005), the Classical and Romantic image of the female using her hair to devour male libido was a collective and conscious manifestation of fear in Victorian society, one that was transmitted from the ancient period through to the advent of modern visual art. â€Å"The myth of women who carry in their femininity a grotesque vagina with teeth or who have embedded in their being a serpent or snake with the power to castrate took root long before Rossettis Lady Lilith but became increasingly unambiguous, bizarrely personalized, and widespread among the Symbolist poets and painters by the end of the [nineteenth] century. Visual and psychoanalytic connections between hair and serpents become increasingly explicit in Fernand Khnopffs The Blood of the Medusa, Franz von Stucks Fatality, and Edvard Munchs Vampire, wherein we see the complexity and ambiguousness that infused the imagery of earlier artists like the Rossettis, Waterhouse, Tennyson, and many others give way to an unrestrained fear and indulgence in the grotesque.† Rossettis Regina Cordium (Queen of Hearts), which he painted in 1860, began a period of change in artistic perspective on female hair, where it was accented as a means to communicate a womans ultimate fragility and dependence on man: the first realisation of her sexuality as the embodiment of mans annihilation and self destruction. Pollock (1992:132) notes how, â€Å"her hair is loose, a decent and suggestive sign of allowed disorder, conventionally a sign of womans sexuality.† It is of course significant that almost all of the most artistic and visual instances of female hair in painting were created by men. Many male artists, such as Manet, whos Olympia (1863 5) stands as the most obvious popular example, were non apologetic in terms of their bourgeois fascination with lower class women who were able to fulfil the well to do gentlemans most liberal carnal desires. As the prism through which both men and women viewed societys accepted ideal of the female form, these works of art (especially significant in the days before photography and other twentieth century means of visual communication) constituted the only truth that women knew. Artists of the Enlightenment such as Jean Baptiste Greuze, whos Broken Mirror (1773) charts the social struggle of sexually experienced yet single young woman, as well as High Victorian painters like William Holman Hunt, whos The Awakening Conscience (1853) details the plight and unique dilemma of a kept woman, all converged to create the prevailing image of female sexuality that remained the staple diet of western art for much of the twentieth century: a smouldering power that could be easily sedated by the socio political power of man. As Judy Chicago and Edward Lucie Smith (1999:88) testify, the fallen woman was the most popular portrayal of female sexuality for many of the male artists who dominated the pre twentieth century artistic arena with creators highlighting her essential weakness with a minimal visual emotional connection. â€Å"She is the one who has no way out, and the painter contemplates her dilemma with a sort of repressed sadism. With each one of these works one feels a conflict of intention. The artist, will ostensibly sympathising with the plight of his female subjects, in fact enjoys their suffering, and expects the audience to do so as well.† Where hair was employed as a tool to reference female sexuality, it was used to derisory and derogatory effect, as witnessed in the 1934 sculpture by Renà © Magritte entitled, Le Viol (The Rape), which transforms a mould of a womans torso into a distorted image of her face; her breasts are made into eyes, the hair covering her genitals becomes the mouth, while locks of coarse wavy hair protrude from the neck, conforming to the male stereotype of female hair as an instantly recognisable feature of her fertile sexuality. Clearly, female artists, although very much in the minority were by no means obsolete and painters such as Louise Marie Elizabeth Vigà ©e Lebrun, Rosalba Carriera and Angela Kauffman are but three of a long history of richly talented women artists who showed the intellectual and artistic communities the muted side of female sexuality, beyond the narrow conceptual borders imposed by man. However, in relation to the issue of hair as a vehicle through which to transport female sexuality to the viewer, few of these artists, male or female, made substantial in roads into a deeper philosophical exploration. It is important to note the significant socio economic shift that beset Europe and the United States after the end of the Great War in 1918. Because of their contribution to the labour force, in addition to the nascent political bodies such as the Womens Institute (founded in 1915) and the Suffragette Movement, females in the West were for the first time able to exist, albeit nominally at first, outside of the control of a patriarch. Gradually at first, more completely after the end of the Second World War in 1945, women were able to embrace independency, which necessarily brought with it tremendous consequences for the artistic community. Whereas women artists previously had to pander to male taste in order to sell as well as fund their work, women artists of the second half of the twentieth century were more able to create for the sake of creation as opposed to as a means to fit into male structured society. As Anne Sheppard (1987:97) details, the significance of the release of the socio economic weights of expectation inherently means that essence of the artistic endeavour must change. â€Å"Among an audiences expectations of a work of art are expectations concerned with artistic forms and conventions. The Greeks of the fifth century BC would expect a chorus in a tragedy. Shakespeares contemporaries would expect a Fool in a comedy. Mozarts contemporaries would expect harpsichord music to be played with trills and grace notes. Giottos contemporaries would expect saints to be painted with haloes.† As a broad rule of all artistic behaviour, artists had traditionally been bound by the expectations of the paying audience. Thus, the revolution concerning female sexuality and the way in which she has been visually portrayed came via economic emancipation first. Attention must now be turned to instances of female hair as a means of expression of sexuality in modern visual culture after the creative liberation of women. Female Hair as a Medium in Modern Visual Culture The above background to the advent of the age of modernity, and of the arrival and acceptance of women within the upper echelons of the artistic community in the West, highlights the male dominated nature of notions of female sexuality. Hair was expressed as one of the most seductive of all of womans charms – an intricate part of the parcel that was created by God solely for mans destruction. Even when woman is portrayed as life giver in art, the act is more often than not displayed as ugly and confrontational, as Jonathan Wallers Mother No. 27 (1996) testifies. Indeed, the ongoing negative reaction of museums to child birth and maternity reveals more about the still dominant attitudes of females as sex objects as opposed to life enablers – as destructive rather than constructive, which is to the detriment of the art community as a whole. It naturally follows that while the majority of the (male) art community continued to associate flowing female hair with her ubiquitous sexuality, women artists tied to the first and second waves of the international feminists movement would wish to convey a hidden, alternative image. One of the most universally celebrated of twentieth century female artists was without doubt Frida Kahlo. She is famous not only for the wealth of talent and technique that was at her disposal but also for her independent, analytical and honest view of women, given added significance due to her prominent position in Mexican society. Her self portrait with cropped hair (1940), which is housed in New Yorks Museum of Modern Art constituted the first mainstream attempt to castrate the pervasive female sexuality as characterised by the iconography of ubiquitous long hair. It should be recalled that this painting was created at a time when uniformity of sexuality was the cultural norm: women were meant to hav e long hair, which meant that the subtle question Kahlo posed to women who viewed it was magnified all the more. Two decades later, at the dawn of the watershed decade of the 1960s, the impact of the famous Beatles haircut, first styled and professionally photographed by Astrid Kircherr (who exhibits the cropped blonde look in a self photograph in 1961) was universal within western culture and was noteworthy for its inversion of traditional sexual roles. As, during the sixties, young men grew their hair longer so young women were more inclined to cut their own, highlighting a deliberate cultural means of rebelling against the tired sexual mores of the time. Gay women, in particular, began to associate short hair with sexual freedom. Although contemporary Western society views the stereotypical butch woman with short hair as symptomatic of the lesbian underworld, it was indeed a bold move in the sixties and seventies for a woman to cut her hair in such a symbolic gesture. In this way, women such as the avant garde artist Harmony Hammond (who famously came out via cutting her previously long, feminine hair in New York in 1974) were using their own hair and body image as their art, to make a statement that, visually and aesthetically, woman was no longer the lens through which man peered at his own vision of beauty. As per all cultural de constructions of popular mythology, the actual look of a womans hair was the only the first building block of conformity to be removed in the first phase of feminist expression. Harmony Hammond, furthermore, was one of the most prominent users of hair as an artistic material. Whereby hair was previously used to express female sexuality via depicting or painting the length, texture and contours, Hammond and the burgeoning abstract sect of North American artists sought to incorporate hair into their work to bring attention to the social and sexual constraints by which we all live. She used her own hair in the construction of a hair blanket as well as utilising animal hair to make hair bags. Hammond used materials such as hemp, straw, thread and braids to reference the equation of feminine hair with sexuality throughout her body of work. As Paul Eli Ivey (queerculturalcenter.org; first viewed 21 September 2005) explains, Harmony Hammond exhibited the greatest abil ity to manoeuvre female hair away from its association with beautiful heterosexual objects of male desire, combining ideology and aesthetics in a discernibly feminist manner. â€Å"In the 1990s, Hammond combined latex rubber with her own hair and the hair of her daughter or friends, to suggest landscapes of gendered and sexualised bodies. The braid and the pony tail also took on a life of their own as personified characters: the braid relating to an integration of mind, body, and spirit; the stylised ponytail becoming a flirtatious, sexualised persona.† Her sculpture, Speaking Braids, plays on the difficulty in forming a singular feminine voice in such a diverse culture, where lesbian and bisexual women still feel cut off from the socially acceptable heterosexual females of the twenty first century. The head is disconnected from the body, mirroring societys view of woman as an object of passive desire. The most shocking element is the vomit of light brown braids that extend from the remorseless face of the head of the woman, designed to engage the audience in contemporary thought about the disembodied cries of women to whom marriage and conformity are not available. Hair was therefore used to point out essential moral and ideological divisions within female sexuality and, according to Joan Smith (1997:165), the failure of society to recognise the fundamental differences amongst the various sectors of the broader female sex has been to the detriment of feminism and, ultimately, western culture as a whole. â€Å"Women are expected to be different from men but the same as each other. While there is general agreement that women are unlike men in numerous ill defined ways, there is enormous reluctance to accept the idea that women might not be broadly similar to each other. The issue that exposes this distinction most sharply is motherhood, so that a woman who chooses not to give birth is characterised not just as unnatural but as a traitor to her sex.† Mille Wilson is another feminist artist who has used the symbolism of hair to state a valid view on female sexuality by employing it as the central theme of persuasion. In her ambitious visual art project, The Museum of Lesbian Dreams (1990 2), Wilson speaks to her audience through the fetish surrogates of the typical view of the female body in this instance using female hair in the form of a series of womens wigs to underline the essential similarity of heterosexual and homosexual womans dreams and deepest aesthetic desires, relying on the long, luxurious manes of the artificial hair to symbolise the traditional notion of hair as standard bearer of vivacious feminine sexuality. As Whitney Chadwick (2002:396) notes in her expansive study of women, art and society; â€Å"her work articulates the historical inaccuracy, often absurdity, of social constructions of lesbianism within dominant heterosexual discourses. Such discursive formations often to work to fix identity within, and o utside, normative paradigms.† It should be apparent that much of the artistic arguments pertaining to female hair and sexuality emanate from the perspective of the historical outsiders, namely gay and bisexual women. All great art is created from passion and in terms of damaging sexual stereotyping relating to female icons of beauty the avant garde art community has felt the greatest reason to voice concerns over the prevailing attitude of society towards womens sexuality. However, the real outsiders within the broader feminine artistic debate need to be analysed in order to underscore how hair is culturally understood as one of the most important foundations of mainstream notions of female sexuality. Female Hair and Visual Expressions of Sexuality from the Perspective of Outsider Art Beyond the set boundaries inherent within sculpture and painting, photography and performance art have been the most likely to make a physical statement pertaining to female sexuality. Whereas most other forms of modern visual art minimalism, conceptual art and pop art concentrate on extracting the content rather than moving towards a lifelike representation of the female body, photography recreates the human form as an artistic facsimile. It must be noted that photography and visual performance art highlight the issue of female sexuality via concentrating on the entirety of the hair on her body as opposed to detailing only the stereotypical view of female hair emanating from her head. Indeed, no examination of the subject of sexuality and hair can be complete without an analysis of the art worlds view of female body hair per se, which is culturally speaking – hidden, shaved and moulded in a far more stringent and severe way than any style of hair upon the head, a fact that Germaine Greer (1999:20) expands upon. â€Å"Women with too much (i.e. any) body hair are expected to struggle daily with depilatories of all kinds in order to appear hairless. Bleaching moustaches, waxing legs and plucking eyebrows absorb hundreds of woman hours.† Feminist adherents in the art world have inevitably challenged the claustrophobic views of society towards female body hair with pictures created to shock and induce academic debate about a needlessly taboo topic. Sally Mann made a series of explicit photographs of herself and her daughters during the 1990s, including Untitled (1997), a photograph that focuses the viewer upon the dense vaginal hair of the artist, whose legs are spread open in a bathtub with the subtext of highlighting how women enjoy exactly the same bodily functions as men, however much society shuts itself off to biological reality. Moreover, by making the camera concentrate on the nexus of pubic hair the spectator is likewise advised to consider the cultural reasons as to why women must shave every other part of their body where hair grows naturally. The most shocking and moving of all photographic imagery involving female hair tied to the notion of sexuality is Hannah Wilkes self image taken during her demise from cancer, the disease having robbed her of her hair though not of her female organs, as the naked photo in a wheelchair, selected from the Intra Venus collection (1992 3), graphically illustrates. The power of the visual focus is centred upon the artists wish to show how hair does not make a woman feminine – and that the human spirit is more powerful than any facet of the physical body. Visual art enactment reserves the greatest power of persuasion and audience manipulation. Post Porn Modernism, a performance art show that was exhibited in New York in the late 1980s, is the most obvious example of a visual exposition of contemporary female sexuality devised to shock the audience, concentrating in this instance, on the artists pubic hair and genitalia. Playing on the historical artistic obsession with the female whore, Rebecca Schneider (1996:161) declares that Post Porn Modernism was merely another way to de mystify the myth of female sexuality, in particular highlighting the fragile nature of consumer capitalism where the prostitute is both buyer and seller merged into one. â€Å"In theory, the real live Prostitute Annie Sprinkle lay at the threshold of the impasse between true and false, visible and invisible, nature and culture as if in the eye of a storm. As any whore is given to be in this culture she is a mistake, an aberration, a hoax: a show and a sham made of lipstick, mascara, fake beauty marks, hair and black lace.† However, the art most likely to capture the absurdity of the persistent link between granted notions of female hair personifying womans innate sexuality is that which is created by African women: artists who have to cross strict racial as well as gender and sexuality lines in order to portray women from their culture in an aesthetically acceptable light. These women are the true outsiders of Western artistic expression. Leslie Rabine (1998:127), for example, declares that: â€Å"western slave culture and economics invested the arena of skin, hair and make up with political struggle,† with the result that African women born in the West have had their body image dictated by colour and gender, which creates a kind of schizophrenic effect on the black women to the extent that the naturally curly, short African hair has been usurped in fashion by wigs, extensions and artificially straight hair. Typically, it has been left to the avant garde community to ignite the backlash against the marginalisation of black female sexuality. Alison Saar, daughter of African American feminist artist Betye Saar accented the widely accepted view of natural black female hair as the cultural antithesis to feminine sexuality in her sculpture entitled, Chaos in the Kitchen (1998). Saar used coarse iron wiring to mimic indigenous African hair, on top of a female face that has been deliberately denied eyes to highlight the cultural blind spot that black women have towards their own vision of female beauty. She means to state that, in attempting to copy white mans image of feminine beauty via hair, black women have only succeeded in hollowing out their historical selves. African American artist and photographer Renà ©e Cox made an even more challenging alternative to the prevailing paradigms pertaining to female sexuality and race when she made, Yo Mama (1993). The photograph places the artist standing up naked except for Western high heels the stereotypical twin symbol of hair as the autograph of heterosexual female sexuality. The hair on he

Comparing the Power of Love in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and Beloved :: Comparison Compare Contrast Essays

The Power of Love in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and Beloved There are several common themes in the film Beloved and the book Uncle Tom’s Cabin. They both deal with the effects of slavery on the white and black communities. They both address the brutal treatment of blacks within slavery, including the sexual mistreatment of black women by their masters. A prevalent theme out of both works is the power of a mother’s love for her children. The film Beloved paints a grim picture of what it was like to be a black woman in the 1860’s. Like the book Uncle Tom’s Cabin, it takes us through the story of an escaped slave in the South traveling to the North in order to gain freedom. The main characters, Sethe, in the movie Beloved, and Eliza, in the book Uncle Tom’s Cabin, are both mothers who want nothing more that to see their children delivered from the bonds of slavery. Although the film and the book were created using very different styles, their objectives are somewhat similar. In Stowe’s book Uncle Tom’s Cabin we follow Eliza through a dramatic escape from her plantation after she learns about the impending sale of her only son. Determined to take him out of slavery or die trying, she runs away in the night with him holding on to her neck. Stowe focuses much attention on the power of maternal love. She felt strongly against slavery because it often broke the bonds of maternal love by ripping children away from the mothers. Families were continually being torn apart by the auction block; Stowe wanted the reader to be aware of the effects of this horrible institution. Logic tells us that no mother would ever willingly put her children or herself in danger. However, through Eliza’s character in Uncle Tom’s Cabin we see the desperation that many women had to experience to save their children. Harriet Beecher Stowe’s novel, though fictional, did more to change the hearts of Americans who were standing on the edge abolitionism than any other work at that time. In fact, near the conclusion of the Civil War she was invited to the White House in order that President Lincoln might meet the â€Å"little woman that started this big war.† Stowe felt that she had an obligation to inform the world of what really went on in the South, what life was really like for slaves.

Heidi Roizen/ Building a Network Essay

In my opinion Heidi Roizen’s network is one of her greatest assets. â€Å"While other people use networks to build their business, Heidi’s business is networking. She’s very effective and uses her network to add real value.†, Randy Komisar commented on the article. Her networking skills are extremely efficient. She is really good at blending her professional with her personal networking. She always grabs the nucleus people of a network and then keeps in touch with all the people in that network. And another strength that makes Roizen’s networking successful is that she understands and pays more attention on the win-win relationship which is a core factor that differentiated her skills from others. Her style includes an unpretentious, down- to-earth, and positive personality which played an important role for her success. Additionally, as mentioned on the article by Royal Farros â€Å"Heidi is a pro at turning a brief conversation into one of substance, by contributing one or two unique ideas in a short period of time. That helps make the conversation memorable.† The downside of Roisen’s networking is that they are thousands of people that know her and in some cases people may feel they have a relationship with her, and therefore request her time for meetings. There are also some weaknesses in her networking. Her networking lacks more diversity. According to the article, she always invites the people to her party that have known half of any other people attend the party. That could potentially lead to a result that she can meet less people at one time, she could miss some important talents and opportunities. Also her networking really focuses on companies and people mostly bases in the Silicon Valley. In order to build her networking, Roizen has taken several steps. She begun building relationship with members of the press and she also attended several industry conferences and events. Later on she also decided to join the board of the Software Publishers Association (SPA). The article also mentioned that she gets motivation to get to know good-quality and talented people and be friends with then. She also knows that she is placing a bet by investing so much time in these people, but many of her bets paid off for her in the past. Additionally, she acknowledges that is easier to meet people when they are not famous, and off course it would be easier for her when they become famous because she would already have a relationship with them. And she spends a long-term effort on performance and consistency during and after each interaction to maintain a better and long living network. I think Heide should diversify more her network and try to create strong connections with leaders from other industries a besides technology and venture capital. Also because of the breath and depth of her network, she will constantly have people reaching out for her, so in my opinion she will have to be more selective of her time and people who she will interact with, and most important she will have to say no to some people. Additionally, she should probably balance more her life and reduce the number of industry events or gatherings hosted by her, which according to the article she already initiated this process. I would like to reinforce my arguments in this paragraph with something that Roizen mentioned in a news article, â€Å"At the close of my life, I’d like to look back and know that I got — and delivered — good value out of living. I’d like to know that I took advantage of the opportunities that I was blessed with for myself and my family. I want to know that I created good balance in my life, enjoyed it, lived well and enhanced the lives of others in the process.†